111 年 國立成功大學歷史研究所《歷史》

一份愛爾蘭1847年的私人日記紀錄下列事實，試從這份資料解讀飢荒發生時愛爾蘭人面臨的處境及他們如何面對這項困境。(30%)

7 JUNE 1847

In a great mass movement the people make their way, by tens of thousands, out of Ireland, across the ocean to America, or across the sea to Britain.

The voyage to Canada in 'coffin ships' becomes a path of horror. The philanthropist Stephen de Vere, of Curraghchase, County Limerick, travelled as a steerage passenger so 'that he might speak as a witness respecting the sufferings of emigrants'.

His report reads (in part): 'Before the emigrant is a week at sea, he is an altered man. How can it be otherwise? Hundreds of poor people, men, women and children, of all ages from the drivelling idiot of ninety to the babe just born; huddled together, without light, without air, wallowing in filth, and breathing a fetid atmosphere, sick in body, dispirited in heart; the fevered patients lying between the sound, in sleeping places so narrow as almost to deny them the power of indulging, by a change of position, the natural restlessness of the diseased; by their agonised ravings disturbing those around them and predisposing them, through the effects of the imagination, to imbibe the contagion; living without food or medicine except as administered by the hand of casual charity; dying without the voice of spiritual consolation, and buried in the deep without the rites of the Church.'

The food is generally unsuitable and seldom sufficiently cooked.

Passengers are compelled frequently to throw their salted provisions and rice overboard because they are not given enough water for cooking and drinking - never mind for washing.

The captain sells liquor indiscriminately to the passengers once or twice a week, 'producing scenes of unchecked blackguardism beyond description'.

On arrival in Quebec, de Vere succeeds in having him fined for using false water measures.

Forty vessels with more than 13,000 refugees are detained for quarantine at Grosse Isle, extending in a line two miles down the St Lawrence. About 1,200 fever cases lie in sheds, tents and the little church on the island; an equal number of sick wait to be taken off the ships.

The Looshtauk reaches Quebec after a voyage of seven weeks. Besides typhus, scarlet fever raged on board killing all the small children.

Dr George Mellis Douglas, Grosse Isle's medical superintendent, is oven whelmed by the influx of sick and dying: 'I never contemplated the possibility of every vessel arriving with fever as they do now.'

According to a correspondent in the Freemans Journal, 'the scene in New York is truly lamentable. The Irish are there, walking and begging in the streets, in as numerous groups as you will find them in Liverpool.'

以下是明末清初大儒顧炎武《日知錄》中的《周末風俗》條。請略述本文要旨並略作評論，請至少討論以下三個子題：一、春秋與七國（今稱戰國時代）的差異及其歷史意義；二、顧炎武的歷史評論為何？三、你自己的看法？(35%)

春秋終於敬王三十九年庚申之歲，西狩獲麟。又十四年，為貞定王元年癸酉之歲，魯哀公出奔。二年，卒於有山氏。左傳以是終焉。又六十五年，威烈王二十三年戊寅之歲，初命晉大夫魏斯、趙籍、韓虔為諸侯。又一十七年，安王十六年乙未之歲，初命齊大夫田和為諸侯。又五十二年，顯王三十五年丁亥之歲，六國以次稱王，蘇秦為從長。自此之後，事乃可得而紀。自左傳之終以至此，凡一百三十三年，史文闕軼，考古者為之茫昧。如春秋時，猶尊禮重信，而七國則絕不言禮與信矣。春秋時，猶宗周王，而七國則絕不言王矣。春秋時，猶嚴祭祀，重聘享，而七國則無其事矣。春秋時，猶論宗姓氏族，而七國則無一言及之矣。春秋時，猶宴會賦詩，而七國則不聞矣。春秋時，猶有赴告策書，而七國則無有矣。邦無定交，士無定主，此皆變於一百三十三年之間。史之闕文，而後人可以意推者也。
不待始皇之並天下，而文武之道盡矣。馴至西漢，此風未改，故劉向謂其承千歲之衰周，繼暴秦之餘弊，貪饕險誠，不開義理。觀夫史之所錄，無非功名勢利之人，筆札喉舌之輩，而如董生之言正誼明道者不一二見也。蓋自春秋之後，至東京，而其風俗稍復乎古，吾是以知光武明章果有變齊至魯之功，而惜其未純乎道也。自斯以降，則宋慶曆、元祐之間為優矣。嗟乎，論世而不考其風俗，無以明人主之功。余之所以斥周末而進東京，亦春秋之意也。