111 年 國立政治大學宗教研究所《專業英文》

Our cases show clearly that the presence or absence of rainfall rituals cannot be simplistically attributed to climate stress or other ecological variables. In favor of ecology-as-cause, it is probably the case that rain rituals are more likely to appear among agrarian groups dependent on rain for their very livelihood. This was true of Palestinian Jewish farmers in the centuries following the destruction of the Temple, before the arrival of the Islamic State. It has been true of the Tu (土) of northwestern China, who are still farmers, and who maintain their own temples to practice rain rituals that are not part of the Tibetan Buddhism that dominates the region. That is, there is probably an ecological component, related to farming, that feeds into the genesis of rain rituals. However, we have seen in both Judaism and Haitian Vodou, that rain rituals can survive even when the ecological setting of those practicing the rituals would no longer warrant them, or that rain rituals can be excluded, as in the French slave colony of Saint Domingue, even when the local agrarian ecology would seem to call for them. Our findings show clearly that simplistic models of ecological causality should be treated with skepticism. On the other hand, we reject with equal firmness any proposition that would exempt or exclude religious systems from any attempt at causal analysis. A certain type of earlier anthropological analysis would classify religion—particularly an unofficial folk-religion—as a cultural inscrutable that should be ethnographically described but not "explained". The search for causes was in effect verboten. We have argued, in contrast, that for each religious system there are identifiable causal factors that have contributed to the inclusion or exclusion of rain rituals. As a common unifying theme, the policies and behavior of States are among the factors that have triggered changes in the three religious systems that we have examined.

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There is an enormous ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity among and often within Muslim ethnic groups in China. Most Muslim groups speak Turkic language, but most Hui are Chinese speaking, and the Tajik are in the Persian language family. Many Chinese Muslims read and speak Arabic or Turkish. Most are Sunni, including those belonging to the different Sufi orders, but there are different forms of Shiite and Wahhabi traditions within the ten minority nationalities as well. China now has the largest Muslim community in East Asia, and its Muslim population surpasses that of Saudi Arabia. Oriental Orthodox Christian traders, missionaries, and priests (from the East Syrian Church of the East) came to China in the Tang dynasty, from the seventh to tenth centuries. Like Muslims, Manicheans, and Jews, they traveled the Silk Road and established churches and Christian communities. At different times in China's history, many Mongolians and Turkic-speaking peoples were predominantly Christian. A Russian Orthodox mission was established in China in the seventeenth century, and there are still small Orthodox Christian communities in the Chinese Russian minority. Catholic missionaries worked among minorities in Tibet, Yunnan, and Sichuan beginning in the seventeenth century, and there are still churches among Tibetans that date from that time. Protestant and Catholic missionaries worked in minority ethnic communities all over China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Today, there is a strong Christian presence among minority groups in northeast and southwest China, and among the aboriginal groups in Taiwan. The majority of the Miao and Lisu are Christians, and there are significant Protestant and Catholic minorities in other ethnic groups. In the last twenty years, small Protestant communities have been started among most of the national minorities by evangelists from China and missionaries from overseas.

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我們對中國宗教的研究是可以對宗教研究理論作出一些貢獻,例如在研究神聖與世俗的關係、以及宗教與社會的關係上。而對宗教研究方法方面,也能有所貢獻,特別是將實地調查與歷史和文獻研究結合的方法。我們理想的目標是「歷史之中有實地調査、實地調査之中有歷史」,儘管這方法不一定是常常可行的。在具有長久的文字文化傳統的中國,我們需要一個新的方法去研究宗教。在中國,每一個宗教習慣和信仰都有一個歷史,而許多古老的傳統還依然存在著。在中國大陸,許多地方廟宇都有著六百年或以上的歷史,一些道教和佛教的寺廟就有著更久遠的歷史。在這些組織仍然存在的地方,人們就有意識的、努力地去遵循古老的做法,當然其中也已經出現了很多變化。在這樣的情況下,歷史和文獻的知識是可以幫助實地觀察研究,而實地觀察也經常可以為過去的情況提供一個脈絡的領悟。我們當中許多人已經運用了這種綜合方法,也許我們應該給它取個名字,以方便識別。作為暫時的名稱,我的建議是「歷文實」,是「歷史、文獻和實地調查」的簡稱,英語稱為"HTF"(是History、Texts及Fieldwork 的縮寫)。從歷史探究背景,由實地調査探究結構、功能及實際習慣。宗教學者的一個通病是偏重於理論和哲學。對於大多數宗教參與者來說,與宗教最相關的是習慣、儀式及傳統活動。實地調查迫使我們關注這些活動,關注「活生生」的宗教的社會形式。實地調查也可以讓我們知道參與者如何詮釋和運用他們的過去,這有助於調整我們自己的詮釋。

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自唐代以來,千手觀音信仰一向在中國流傳甚廣,透過藝術、《大悲咒》以及禮懺的形式普及於民間。捨僧侶而選擇女性做為觀音的化身,不但反映觀音在藝術中的性別轉化,也反映宋代新型居士佛教團體的興起,這種新興佛教型態主張在家居士的宗教實踐具有同樣的正當性,同時也可能提供更多機會,讓婦女參與宗教活動。除了創作與觀音有關的中國本土經典、觀音造像以及神僧傳記,中國人也為觀音準備了一個住處。佛經中提及的普陀洛迦山(Potalaka)是神話中的地點,傳統認為它位於印度,但中國人卻將此山挪移至浙江省近海處的普陀島,朝進香的活動將這個中土景觀徹底地佛教化。將觀音菩薩定位於中國的土地上,藉此使他/她本土化的過程是本文討論的主題。在編撰靈驗記、寺志、懺儀或讚頌觀音的本土經典方面,僧侶和文人是主要角色,而在觀音女性形象的建立上,詩人、藝術家、庶民等其他角色和媒介則有更顯著的貢獻。藝術和文學是創造白衣觀音、南海觀音、魚籃觀音形象並使之普及的媒介,佛教僧、俗二眾將女性觀音奉為普世救度者和仿效的典範。儘管女性觀音像可能對婦女具有特別重要的意義,但是我認為這三種女性觀音像人盡皆知,不分男女,而且普受社會知識精英階層與庶民大眾的信奉。

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