109 年 國立政治大學社會學系碩士班《社會學》

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Every move in the city [of Chongqing] is seemingly captured digitally. Cameras perch over sidewalks, hover across busy intersections and swivel above shopping districts. But Chongqing is by no means unique. Eight of the top 10 most surveilled cities in the world are in China, according to Comparitech, as the world's No. 2 economy rolls out an unparalleled system of social control.
But while few nations have embraced surveillance the way China has, it is far from alone. Surveillance has become an everyday part of life in most developed societies, aided by an explosion in Al-powered facial-recognition technology. Last year, London police made their first arrest based on facial recognition by cross-referencing photos of pedestrians in tourist hot spots with a database of known felons. A few months earlier, a trial of facial-recognition software by police in New Delhi reportedly recognized 3,000 missing children in just four days. The technology is widespread in the U.S. too. It has aided in the arrest of alleged credit-card swindlers in Colorado and a suspected rapist in Pennsylvania. Still, the risks are considerable. As Western democracies enact safeguards to protect citizens from the rampant harvesting of data by government and corporations, China is exporting its Al-powered surveillance technology to authoritarian governments around the world. Chinese firms are providing high-tech surveillance tools to at least 18 nations from Venezuela to Zimbabwe, according to a 2018 report by Freedom House.
"Today's economic business models all encourage people to share data," says Lokman Tsui, a privacy expert at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. In China, he adds, we are seeing "what happens when the state goes after that data to exploit and weaponize it."
China is also rolling out Big Data and surveillance to inculcate "positive" behavior in its citizens via a Social Credit system. In China's eastern coastal city of Rongcheng, home to 670,000 people, every person is automatically given 1,000 points. Fighting with neighbors will cost you 5 points; fail to clean up after your dog and you lose 10. Donating blood gains 5. Fall below a certain threshold and it's impossible to get a loan or book high-speed train tickets. Some Chinese see the benefit. High school teacher Zhu Junfang, 42, enjoys perks such as discounted heating bills and improved health care after a series of good works. "Because of the Social Credit system, vehicles politely let pedestrians cross the street, and during a recent blizzard people volunteered to clear the snow to earn extra points," she says.
Such intrusive government is anathema to most in the West, where aversion to surveillance is much broader and more visceral. Whether it's our Internet browser history, selfies uploaded to social media, data scavenged from fitness trackers or smart-home devices possibly recording the most intimate bedroom conversations, we are all living in what's been dubbed a "surveillance economy." In her book The Age of Surveillance Capitalism, Shoshana Zuboff describes this as "human experience [broken down into data] as free raw material for commercial practices of extraction, prediction, and sales."
Russia's election meddling around the world highlights the risks of commercially harvested data being repurposed for nefarious goals. It's a message taken to heart in Hong Kong, where millions have protested over the past five months to push for more democracy. These demonstrators have found themselves in the crosshairs after being identified via CCTV cameras or social media. Employees for state airline Cathay Pacific have been fired and others investigated based on evidence reportedly gleaned via online posts and private messaging apps.
This has led demonstrators to adopt intricate tactics to evade Big Brother's all-seeing eye. Clad in helmets, face masks and reflective goggles, they prepare for confrontations with the police with military precision. A vanguard clutch umbrellas aloft to shield their activities from prying eyes, before a second wave advances to attack overhead cameras with tape, spray paint and buzz saws. From behind, a covering fire of laser pointers attempts to disrupt the recordings of security officers' body-mounted cameras.
Ultimately, even protesters' forensic safeguards may not be enough as technology advances. In his Beijing headquarters, Huang Yongzhen, CEO of AI firm Watrix, shows off his latest gait-recognition software, which can identify people from 50 meters away by analyzing thousands of metrics about their walk-even with faces covered or backs to the camera. It's already been rolled out by security services across China, he says, though he's ambivalent about privacy concerns. "From our perspective, we just provide the technology," he says. "As for how it's used, like all high tech, it may be a double-edged sword."
(Excerpt from "The Entire System Is Designed to Suppress Us." What the Chinese Surveillance State Means for the Rest of the World' by Charlie Campbell, Time, November 21, 2019)

1. Please discuss the concept of a "surveillance economy"; how it operates, and what it means to individuals and business corporations. (10 points)
2. Why may the AI-powered surveillance technology be a 'double-edged sword'? Please discuss its positive and negative impacts on the society. (8 points)
3. How did the Al-powered surveillance technology play a role in Hong Kong's demonstrations for democracy in the past few months? How did demonstrators react to it? (4 points)
4. According to the author, would individuals outwin the Al-powered surveillance technology in the long run? Would you agree with the author? Please share your perspective. (4 points)

在福利國家(welfare state)中,政府深入影響國民的生活,「從搖籃到墳墓」地滲入人民社會生活的各個領域。請簡述福利國家在1970年代所遇到的發展危機,此危機形成的原因,以及西方國家通常採行的對策。

涂爾幹(E. Durkheim)將社會關係區分成機械連帶(mechanic solidarity)與有機連帶(organic solidarity),藉以說明社會組成的不同關係模式。請分別舉例說明這兩類社會關係,並對這兩類社會關係的特質進行比較。

(1)請舉例說明「社會化」(socialization)這個概念的意思。(10分)
(2)請分別從功能論、衝突論和互動論的角度討論「社會化」。(15分)

請舉例說明以下這段文字:
People commonly speak of a "social problem" when something in society does not work the way it is supposed to according to the official interpretations. They then expect the sociologist to study the "problem" as they have defined it and perhaps even to come up with a "solution" that will take care of the matter to their own satisfaction. It is important, against this sort of expectation, to understand that a sociological problem is this sense. For example, it is naïve to concentrate on crime as a "problem" because law-enforcement agencies so define it, or on divorce because that it is a "problem" to the moralists of marriage... Thus the sociological problem is not so much why some things "go wrong" from the viewpoint of the authorities and the management of the social sense, but how the whole system works in the first place, what are its presuppositions and by what means it is held together. (Peter Berger, 1963. Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective. NY: Doubleday. pp.36-37.)